【新刊速递】《欧洲国际关系杂志》(EJIR)Vol. 27, No. 3, September 2021

发布日期:2022-08-14 15:37    点击次数:152




《欧洲国际关系杂志》(European Journal of International Relations)是欧洲政治研究联盟国际关系常设小组(the Standing Group on International Relations of the European Consortium for Political Research, SGIR)的同行评审旗舰期刊,由SGIR和欧洲国际研究协会组成的联合委员会共同管理。根据Journal Citation Reports显示,2019年该期刊的影响因子为3.474。



1. 生物信息外交:全球卫生突发事件、数据共享和序贯寿命

Bioinformational diplomacy: Global health emergencies, data sharing and sequential life

2. 为什么相互冲突的国家还在国际监管方面保持有弹性的合作?以19世纪60年代至1914年的英国和电报为例

Why do states in conflict with each other also sustain resilient cooperation in international regulation? Britain and telegraphy, 1860s–1914

3. 声誉危机管理与国家:将遏制政策理论化为一种外交模式

Reputation crisis management and the state: Theorising containment as diplomatic mode

4. 弱联结的优势:替代外交性社会联结中的身体共现

The strength of weak bonds: Substituting bodily copresence in diplomatic social bonding

5. 国际组织中基于类比的集体决策与渐进变化

Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations

6. 贫穷国家的政治体制和外国投资:来自最为相似的非洲案例的见解

Political regimes and foreign investment in poor countries: Insights from most similar African cases

7. 债务重组对发展中国家收入不平等的影响

The effects of debt restructurings on income inequality in the developing world

8. 基础设施金融、后发与中国重塑国际信贷治理

Infrastructure finance, late development, and China’s reshaping of international credit governance

9. 后殖民时代的移民国家

The postcolonial migration state

10. 内战重现与战后暴力:转向综合研究议程

Civil war recurrence and postwar violence: Toward an integrated research agenda

11. 对解释性国际研究因果解释的再思考

Rethinking causal explanation in interpretive international studies



题目:Bioinformational diplomacy: Global health emergencies, data sharing and sequential life

作者:Stefan Elbe,苏塞克斯大学全球研究学院国际关系学教授。


Global health emergencies – like COVID-19 – pose major and recurring threats in the 21st century. Now societies can be better protected against such harrowing outbreaks by analysing the detailed genetic sequence data of new pathogens. Why, then, is this valuable epistemic resource frequently withheld by stakeholders – hamstringing the international response and potentially putting lives at risk? This article initiates the social scientific study of bioinformational diplomacy, that is, the emerging field of tensions, sensitivities, practices and enabling instruments surrounding the timely international exchange of bioinformation about global health emergencies. The article genealogically locates this nascent field at the intersection of molecularised life, informationalised biology and securitised health. It investigates the deeper political, economic and scientific problematisations that are engendering this burgeoning field. It finally analyses the emergent international instruments developed by governments, scientists and industry to facilitate more rapid global sharing of bioinformation through novel practices of data passporting. Overall, the in-depth study of bioinformational diplomacy reveals just how deeply, and even constitutively, international relations are entangled with the life sciences – by carefully tracing how laboratory practices of sequencing life at molecular scale also end up recontouring the play of sovereignty, power and security in international relations.



题目:Why do states in conflict with each other also sustain resilien cooperation in international regulation? Britain and telegraphy, 1860s–1914

作者:Perri 6,伦敦玛丽女王大学工商管理学院;Eva Heims,约克大学政治系讲师。


This article compares the explanatory power of five mainstream theories from International Relations, political science and public management in understanding why – when they are engaged in deepening conflict and tension and even preparations for wars – states might simultaneously sustain deepening cooperation in global regulatory bodies. Analysis of explanatory power focuses on trade-offs among five key methodological virtues, and on buffering as an indicator of state unitariness. The theories are examined against the crucial case of one state’s commitment to the first international regulatory regime, the International Telegraph Union (ITU) and the Submarine Cable Convention (SCC) of 1884, from the founding of the ITU in 1865 to the outbreak of the Great War. In this article, we use UK National Archives files to reconstruct Britain’s decisions in telegraphy policy as our case of a state’s decision-making. We focus on four key clusters of decisions, spanning three sub-periods. The study finds each of the theories can descriptively capture some developments in some sub-periods, but not for the reasons identified in the theory and without generality of application. It therefore provides the basis for future theoretical development work and demonstrates the value of theory comparison by analysis of trade-offs among methodological virtues.



题目:Reputation crisis management and the state: Theorising containment as diplomatic mode

作者:Kristin Haugevik,挪威国际事务研究所高级研究员;Cecilie Basberg Neumann,奥斯陆城市大学教授。


This article theorises containment as a diplomatic response mode for states when faced with potentially harmful attacks on their international identity and reputation. Despite widespread agreement in International Relations (IR) scholarship that identities matter in the context of state security, studies of crisis management have paid little attention to ontological security crises. Scholarly literature on public diplomacy has concerned itself mainly with proactive nation branding and reputation building; work on stigma management has privileged the study of how 'transgressive’ states respond to identity attacks by recognising, rejecting or countering criticism. Our contribution is two-fold. First, we make the case that states do not perform as uniform entities when faced with ontological security crises – government representatives, bureaucratic officials and diplomats have varying roles and action repertoires available to them. Second, we argue that containment is a key but undertheorised part of the diplomatic toolkit in crisis management. Unpacking containment as a crisis management response mode, we combine insights from IR scholarship on emotions and diplomacy with insights on therapeutic practices from social psychology. We substantiate our argument with a case study of how Norwegian government representatives, bureaucratic officials and diplomats responded to escalating international criticism against Norway’s Child Welfare Services following a wave of transnational protests in 2016. A key finding is that whereas the dominant response mode of government ministers and bureaucratic officials was to reject the criticism, diplomats mainly worked to contain the situation, trying to prevent it from escalating further and resulting in long-term damage to bilateral relations.



题目:The strength of weak bonds: Substituting bodily copresence in diplomatic social bonding

作者:Nicholas J. Wheeler,伯明翰大学教授;Marcus Holmes,威廉玛丽学院副教授。

摘要:外交研究中的一个核心难题是,为什么领导人之间的互动有时会产生积极的社会联结,而有时则会导致不信任和敌意。在微观社会学领域的最新研究, shelterApp即对日常互动的研究中,尤其是美国社会学家兰德尔·柯林斯的开创性研究,提出了进行积极互动的几个关键因素,其中便包括身体共现的因素。本文对这一观点提出了质疑,并说明了为什么在领导人互动中文本交流可以替代身体共现。本文证明,面对面交流形式的身体共现因素是形成强联结的必要条件,以信函形式实现的中介式互动也可以创造弱的社会联结。弱联结能够减少不信任并逐步发展信任,这对于危机的缓和至关重要。本文分析了两个案例:古巴导弹危机期间赫鲁晓夫和肯尼迪之间的信件往来,以及冷战结束时戈尔巴乔夫和里根之间的文字和面对面的互动。最后,本文在结论中指出了一个关于外交中社会联结形成的决定因素的跨学科研究议程。

One of the central puzzles in the study of diplomacy is why some interactions between leaders result in positive social bonds, while others are mired in distrust and hostility. Recent research in the field of microsociology, the study of everyday interactions, most notably the pioneering research of American sociologist Randall Collins, suggests several critical ingredients for a successful interaction, including bodily copresence. In this article we interrogate this claim and provide theoretical reasons why textual communication may serve as a proxy for copresence in leader interactions. We demonstrate that while copresence, in the form of face-to-face interaction, is required for strong bond formation, mediated interaction in the form of letters can serve to create weak social bonds. The strength of weak bonds is in the reduction of distrust and the gradual development of trust that can be critical to the de-escalation of crises. Empirically, we explore our argument in two hard cases for social bond formation: the letters exchanged between Nikita Khrushchev and John F. Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crisis and the interactions, both textual and face-to-face, between Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan at the end of the Cold War. We conclude by pointing toward an interdisciplinary research agenda on the determinants of social bond formation in diplomacy.



题目:Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations

作者:Thomas Dörfler,波茨坦大学国际关系学院博士后研究员;Thomas Gehring,班贝克大学教授。


We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.



题目:Political regimes and foreign investment in poor countries: Insights from most similar African cases

作者:Arthur A Goldsmith,新闻中心马萨诸塞大学波士顿分校名誉教授。


When foreign investors choose to invest in a poor country, do they favor democracies or autocracies? Despite extensive time-series cross-national empirical work on this question, the answer is unclear. To move the debate forward, I use a novel approach based on a most-similar case design. I observe four African countries before, during, and after democratization, and evaluate whether the change in regime type over time affected their ability to attract foreign investment—both relative to their baseline level of investment and in comparison with the investment patterns of four matching countries that did not experience democratization. I also control for the effects of natural resource scarcity and abundance. My difference-in-differences pairwise case analysis indicates the introduction of competitive political institutions is immaterial for foreign investment, whereas the consolidation of these institutions conveys a small investment advantage.



题目:The effects of debt restructurings on income inequality in the developing world

作者:Glen Biglaiser,北德克萨斯州大学人文社会科学学院教授;Ronald J. McGauvran,田纳西科技大学社会学与政治学院助理教授。


Developing countries, saddled with debts, often prefer investors absorb losses through debt restructurings. By not making full repayments, debtor governments could increase social spending, serving poorer constituents, and, in turn, lowering income inequality. Alternatively, debtor governments could reduce taxes and cut government spending, bolstering the assets of the rich at the expense of the poor. Using panel data for 71 developing countries from 1986 to 2016, we assess the effects of debt restructurings on societal income distribution. Specifically, we study the impact of debt restructurings on social spending, tax reform, and income inequality. We find that countries receiving debt restructurings tend to use their newly acquired economic flexibility to reduce taxes and lower social spending, worsening income inequality. The results are also robust to different model specifications. Our study contributes to the globalization and the poor debate, suggesting the economic harm caused to the less well-off following debt restructurings.



题目:Infrastructure finance, late development, and China’s reshaping of international credit governance



How is the rise of China affecting international governance? This paper examines the domain of infrastructure finance by focusing on China’s two policy banks, which are the main creditors of China’s overseas infrastructure projects. While the incumbent international credit regimes led by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) distinguish development-oriented aid from commercially oriented export credits, emerging late-developed economies blur this dichotomy by largely funding development projects with state-backed export credits. The way China alters the OECD’s credit governance, this paper argues, demonstrates both the generality of late development and the peculiarity of “Chinese” development. Rather than directly subsidizing firms’ international business with the state’s fiscal revenue, policy banks financialized host country’s state-owned and state-coordinated assets using various market instruments. By doing so, they gave Chinese firms a comparative advantage in the markets of less developed regions, allowing them to undertake projects that firms from advanced industrial countries cannot. This financing mechanism has reshaped the international development regime by transforming the dominant means of credit allocation from state-led aid-giving to market-based exchange, and rewritten the liberal rules of the international export credit regime by financing the developing world in a both statist and liberalist manner. As a result, China has built a paralleled regime in regions insufficiently covered by the existing financial schemes of incumbent credit regimes.



题目:The postcolonial migration state

作者:Kamal Sadiq,加利福尼亚大学政治科学助理教授;Gerasimos Tsourapas,伯明翰大学讲师。


The evolution of migration policy-making across the Global South is of growing interest to International Relations. Yet, the impact of colonial and imperial legacies on states’ migration management regimes outside Europe and North America remains under-theorised. How does postcolonial state formation shape policies of cross-border mobility management in the Global South? By bringing James F. Hollifield’s framework of the contemporary 'migration state’ in conversation with critical scholarship on postcolonialism, we identify the existence of a 'postcolonial paradox,’ namely two sets of tensions faced by newly independent states of the Global South: first, the need to construct a modern sovereign nation-state with a well-defined national identity contrasts with weak institutional capacity to do so; second, territorial realities of sovereignty conflict with the imperatives of nation-building seeking to establish exclusive citizenship norms towards populations residing both inside and outside the boundaries of the postcolonial state. We argue that the use of cross-border mobility control policies to reconcile such tensions transforms the 'postcolonial state’ into the 'postcolonial migration state,’ which shows distinct continuities with pre-independence practices. In fact, postcolonial migration states reproduce colonial-era tropes via the surveillance and control of segmented migration streams that redistribute labour for the global economy. We demonstrate this via a comparative study of post-independence migration management in India and Egypt, which also aims to merge a problematic regional divide between scholarship on the Middle East and South Asia. We urge further critical interventions on the international politics of migration that prioritise interregional perspectives from the broader Global South



题目:Civil war recurrence and postwar violence: Toward an integrated research agenda

作者:Corinne Bara,乌普萨拉大学和平与冲突研究系助理教授;Annekatrin Deglow,乌普萨拉大学和平与冲突研究系助理教授;Sebastian van Baalen,乌普萨拉大学和平与冲突研究系助理教授。


Violence after civil war is a challenge to sustainable peace. Many armed conflicts today are recurrences of previous wars and much of the literature on violence after war explains why armed groups return to the battlefield. But even if peace prevails, many other types of violence take place in postwar environments. This postwar violence is likewise subject to a growing multidisciplinary literature. Using citation network analysis, we show that research on war recurrence and postwar violence has developed in relative isolation from each other—although these phenomena are interrelated. This compartmentalization leads us to overlook important similarities and differences in the drivers of different forms of violence after war. We demonstrate this by reviewing the literature in both of these closely related fields. While war recurrence and postwar violence share a set of common risk factors, some factors can have opposite effects on the two outcomes. Because these insights only emerge when systematically comparing the two strands of literature, we propose a novel framework for the study of violence after wars that aims at overcoming the compartmentalization of research within these two fields. The framework serves both as a conceptual lens and an analytical tool to categorize and compare different forms of violence after war. We then outline how the framework aids scholars in pursuing an integrated research agenda, with concrete suggestions for research questions that should be studied to expand our understanding of violence after wars.



题目:Rethinking casual explanation in interpretive international studies

作者:Ludvig Norman,斯德哥尔摩大学政治学副教授和加州大学伯克利分校欧洲研究所高级研究员。


This article develops a model for causal explanations amenable to interpretive International Relations (IR) research. A growing field of scholars has turned toward causal inquiry while stressing the importance of shared understandings, identities, and social practices for their explanations. This move has considerable potential to strengthen the contributions of interpretive approaches to IR. However, the article identifies shortcomings in the causal models on which this research is based which work to limit this potential. The article provides a detailed discussion of these limitations and offers an alternative model of causal explanations for interpretive IR. The proposed model builds on a clear differentiation between constitutive and causal analysis and supplies an explicit argument for how they can be combined to generate causal explanations. This paves the way for a more well-defined notion of causal explanation than has commonly been the case in interpretive IR. In doing so, it also offers a more coherent and detailed account of the points at which interpretive explanations intersect with more mainstream approaches and where they differ. Finally, the paper outlines an application of the model through a discussion on an updated form of interpretive process tracing (IPT).

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